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Author	: Bill Kochman
Publish	: Jun. 14, 2025
Update	: Jun. 14, 2025
Parts	: 25

Synopsis:




Continuing our discussion from part eleven, as we have just learned, after gaining the support of the Roman governor and legions who were stationed in Alexandria, Egypt, Vespasian prepared for his return to Italy where he hoped to overthrow Vitellius, who was the third emperor during the "Year of the Four Emperors". As we continue reading in Book 4 Chapter 10, we learn that the news of Vespasian being declared emperor over the eastern portion of the empire spread like wildfire, and many people and cities rejoiced and immediately declared their loyalty to him. This included Mucianus, who was the president of the Roman province of Syria.

According to Josephus, while Vespasian at first had been doubtful of everything Josephus had told him concerning how he would eventually become the new emperor, considering how everything had worked out in his favor, Vespasian came to realize that it was indeed by Divine Providence that he had been so successful in his endeavors, and would soon become the new emperor. Furthermore, it weighed upon Vespasian's conscience how that while Josephus had been so beneficial to him, he yet remained a prisoner of Rome, since the events at Jotapata, where Josephus finally surrendered himself to the Romans. You may recall that we discussed these events in part six of this series.

Having contemplated all these things, Vespasian then called together Mucianus, along with all of his other commanders and friends, and informed them of his decision to set free Josephus. Vespasian's son, Titus, likewise agreed to this decision, and also reminded his father of the Roman custom of cutting into pieces the chains of any man who had been unjustly bound. And thus, Josephus was set free, as we read in the following excerpt from Book 4 Chapter 10:

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"So Vespasian's good fortune succeeded to his wishes everywhere, and the public affairs were, for the greatest part already in his hands; upon which he considered that he had not arrived at the government without divine Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought the empire under his power; for as he called to mind the other signals, which had been a great many everywhere, that foretold he should obtain the government, so did he remember what Josephus had said to him when he ventured to foretell his coming to the empire while Nero was alive; so he was much concerned that this man was still in bonds with him. He then called for Mucianus, together with his other commanders and friends, and in the first place, he informed them what a valiant man Josephus had been, and what great hardships he had made him undergo in the siege of Jotapata. After that he related those predictions of his which he had then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear he was in, but which had by time been demonstrated to be divine. "It is a shameful thing (said he,) that this man who had foretold my coming to the empire before-hand, and been the minister of a divine message to me, should still be retained in the condition of a captive or prisoner." So he called for Josephus, and commanded that he should be set at liberty; whereupon the commanders promised themselves glorious things, from this requital Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus was then present with his father, and said, "O father, it is but just that the scandal [of a prisoner] should be taken off Josephus. together with his iron chain. For if we do not barely loose his bonds, but cut them to pieces, he will be like a man that had never been bound at all." For that is the usual method as to such as have been bound without a cause. This advice was agreed to by Vespasian also; so there came a man in, and cut the chain to pieces; while Josephus received this testimony of his integrity for a reward, and was moreover esteemed a person of credit as to futurities also."

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As we begin Chapter 11 of Book 4, we are informed that after assigning offices to different trusted men in preparation for his journey to Rome, Vespasian traveled to Antioch in Syria. At the same time, he sent an army led by Mucianus to Rome. In addition to this, Antonius Primus -- who was the president of the Roman province of Mysia, which corresponds to northwestern Turkey -- took part of his legions to fight against Vitellius. Upon be informed of the approaching armies, Vitellius sent out Cecinna with a great army to confront them.

However, when he saw the size and strength of Antonius' army, rather than do a retreat, Cecinna decided to betray his army to Antonius. Thus he spoke to his centurions and tribunes and convinced them to do exactly that. In other words, they were going to desert Vitellius and join Vespasian. However, during the night, Cecinna's soldiers had a change of heart and went to kill Cecinna due to his betrayal of Vitellius. He would've been killed except for the fact that his tribunes begged the soldiers to spare his life, which they did. Instead, Cecinna was put into chains as a traitor.

Meanwhile, upon learning of the disarray that was occurring in the enemy's camp, Antonius -- whose full name was Marcus Antonius Primus -- took his army and went to fight against them near Cremona. This was a Roman military outpost that was located in northern Italy in what is today known as the Lombardy region. By the time the battle was over, we're told that more than 30,000 people had died, including Vitellius' entire army, which had formerly been under the command of Cecinna. For his part, Cecinna was in fact set free and was sent to inform Vespasian of Antonius' victory at Cremona. Thus we read the following excerpt from Book 4 Chapter 11:

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"And now, when Vespasian had given answers to the embassages, and had disposed of the places of power justly, and according to every one's deserts, he came to Antioch, and consulting which way he had best take, he preferred to go for Rome, rather than to march to Alexandria, because he saw that Alexandria was sure to him already, but that the affairs at Rome were put into disorder by Vitellius; so he sent Mucianus to Italy, and committed a considerable army both of horsemen and footmen to him; yet was Mucianus afraid of going by sea, because it was the middle of winter, and so he led his army on foot through Cappadocia and Phrygia.

In the meantime Antonius Primus took the third of the legions that were in Mysia, for he was president of that province, and made haste, in order to fight Vitellius; whereupon Vitellius sent away Cecinna, with a great army, having a mighty confidence in him, because of his having beaten Otho. Thus Cecinna marched out of Rome in great haste, and found Antonius about Cremona in Gall, which city is in the borders of Italy; but when he saw there that the enemy were numerous and in good order, he durst not fight them, and as he thought a retreat dangerous, so he began to think of betraying his army to Antonius. Accordingly he assembled the centurions and tribunes that were under his command, and persuaded them to go over to Antonius, and this by diminishing the reputation of Vitellius, and by exaggerating the power of Vespasian. He also told them, That "with the one there was no more than the bare name of dominion, but with the other was the power of it. And that it was better for them to prevent necessity, and gain favour, and, while they were likely to be overcome in battle, to avoid the danger before-hand, and go over to Antonius willingly; that Vespasian was able of himself to subdue what had not yet submitted, without their assistance, while Vitellius could not preserve what he had already with it."

Cecinna said this, and much more to the same purpose, and persuaded them to comply with him, and both he and his army deserted; but still the very same night the soldiers repented of what they had done, and a fear seized on them, lest perhaps Vitellius who sent them should get the better: and drawing their swords, they assaulted Cecinna in order to kill him; and the thing had been done by them, if the tribunes had not fallen upon their knees, and besought them not to do it: so the soldiers did not kill hun, but put him in bonds, as a traitor, and were about to send him to Vitellius. When [Antonius] Primus heard of this, he raised up his men immediately, and made them put on their armour, and led them against those that had revolted; hereupon they put themselves in order of battle, and made a resistance for a while, but were soon beaten, and fled to Cremona: then did Primus take his horsemen, and cut off their entrance into the city, and encompassed and destroyed a great multitude of them before the city, and fell into the city together with the rest, and gave leave to his soldiers to plunder it. And here it was, that many strangers, who were merchants, as well as many of the people of that country, perished, among them Vitellius's whole army, being thirty thousand and two hundred, while Antonius lost no more of those that came with him from Mysia than four thousand and five hundred: he then loosed Cecinna, and sent him to Vespasian to tell him the good news. So he came, and was received by him, and covered the scandal of his treachery, by the unexpected honours he received from Vespasian."

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Meanwhile, in Rome itself, serious trouble was now brewing for Vitellius. It seems that one Sabinus gathered certain cohorts of soldiers and revolted against Vitellius during the night. While Vitellius wasn't yet too concerned with regard to the defeat of Cecinna's army by Antonius, betrayal within Rome itself was quite another matter. Thus, in his rage, he sent out his skilled army -- those who had fought with him in Germany -- to fight against Sabinus and his conspirators. It is at this point in his narration that Josephus mentions a certain hill upon which a temple was located. It was to this hill that Domitian -- Vespasian's other son -- had fled along with other noblemen of Rome.

In the end, the conspirators were defeated, and Sabinus was brought before Vitellius and slain. However, within a day's time, Antonius' army arrived, and after fighting battles in three different locations, Vitellius' army was defeated, and Vitellius himself was beheaded. He had been emperor for only about eight months. Josephus reports that more than 50,000 people were killed during this battle in Rome. The next day, Mucianus arrived with his army, and ordered Antonius' army to desist in their killing. Domitian was then presented as the temporary leader in Rome, until the arrival of his own father, Vespasian, to assume his position as emperor. Of course, the people of Rome rejoiced at this victory over Vitellius as they waited the arrival of Vespasian himself. Thus, Josephus writes as follows:

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"And now, upon the news that Antonius was approaching, Sabinus took courage at Rome, and assembled those cohorts of soldiers that kept watch by night, and in the night-time seized upon the capitol, and, as the day came on, many men of character came over to him, with Domitian's brother's son, whose encouragement was of a very great weight for the compassing the government. Now Vitellius was not much concerned at this Primus, but was very angry with those that had revolted with Sabinus, and thirsting, out of his own natural barbarity, after noble blood, he sent out that part of the army which came along with him to fight against the capitol, and many bold actions were done on this side, and on the side of those that held the temple. But at last, the soldiers that came from Germany, being too numerous for the others, got the hill into their possession, where Domitian, with many other of the principal Romans providentially escaped, while the rest of the multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and Sabinus himself was brought to Vitellius and then slain; the soldiers also plundered the temple of its ornaments, and set it on fire. But now within a day's time came Antonius, with his army, and were met by Vitellius and his army; and having had a battle in three several places, the last were all destroyed. Then did Vitellius come out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an extravagant and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity, and being drawn along through the multitude, and abused with all sorts of torments, had his head cut off in the midst of Rome, having retained the government' eight months and five days, and had he lived much longer, I cannot but think the empire would not have been sufficient for his lust. Of the others that were slain, were numbered above fifty thousand. This battle was fought on the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]; on the next day Mucianus came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and his men to leave off killing; for they were still searching the houses, and killed many of Vitellius's soldiers, and many of the populace, as supposing them to be of his party, preventing by their rage any accurate distinction between them and others. He then produced Domitian, and recommended him to the multitude, until his father should come himself: so the people being now freed from their fears, made acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and kept festival days for his confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitellius."

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While all of the previously-described events are occurring in Rome, for his part, Vespasian has returned to Alexandria, Egypt where many ambassadors and great multitudes of other people have arrived in order to congratulate him due to his becoming the new emperor. But with the affairs in Rome now settled, Vespasian's mind has again turned to the unfinished business yet waiting to be fully resolved in the troublesome area of Judea. God himself has not forgotten the wickedness of the unbelieving Jews, or of how very vile and violent men have taken over the city and the temple compound, and utterly polluted both with their abominable deeds.

Thus, while Vespasian makes haste to return to Rome, for his part, step by step, his son Titus takes part of the army back to Caesarea from Alexandria by way of Syria. It's in Caesarea where he consolidates his forces in preparation for what will be the final assault against Jerusalem. Thus, Josephus writes in the following manner:

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"And now, as Vespasian was come to Alexandria, this good news came from Rome, and at the same tune came embassies from all his own habitable earth, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and though this Alexandria was the greatest of all cities next to Rome, it proved too narrow to contain the multitude that then came to it. So upon this confirmation of Vespasian's entire government, which was now settled, and upon the unexpected deliverance of the public affairs of the Romans from ruin, Vespasian turned his thoughts to what remained unsubdued in Judea. However, he himself made haste to go to Rome, as the winter was now almost over, and soon set the affairs of Alexandria in order, but sent his son Titus, with a select part of his army, to destroy Jerusalem."

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At this point in this fascinating but tragic story, we now begin Book 5 Chapter 1 of Josephus' "The Wars of the Jews", with Titus having now arrived at Caesarea. The subtitle of Book 5 informs us that we are now about six months from the coming destruction of Jerusalem and the slaughter of about one million Jews according to some sources. While Titus is preparing for the assault on Jerusalem, Josephus directs us again to the events that are occurring in Jerusalem itself. At the beginning of chapter one, he again reminds us that Jerusalem has been taken over by three violent factions, as we see by this excerpt:

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When therefore Titus had marched over that desert which lies between Egypt and Syria, in the manner forementioned, he came to Caesarea, having resolved to set his forces in order at that place, before he began the war. Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his father at Alexandria, in settling that government which had been newly conferred upon them by God, it so happened, that the sedition at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into three factions, and that one faction fought against the other, which partition in such evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and the effect of divine justice. Now as to the attack the Zealots made upon the people, and which I esteem the beginning of the city's destruction, it hath been already explained after an accurate manner; as also whence it arose, and to how great a mischief it was increased. But for the present sedition, one should not mistake if he called it a sedition begotten by another sedition, and to be like a wild beast grown mad, which, for want of food from abroad, fell now upon eating its own flesh."

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To refresh your memory, these three violent factions were led by John of Giscala, Simon of Gioras -- a.k.a. Simon bar Giora -- and Eleazar, the son of Simon, the last of whom we first heard about in part four. You may recall that in Book 2 Chapter 20, Josephus informed his readers that once the Zealots, Sicarii and other insurrectionists had taken over Jerusalem, Eleazar was NOT given a leadership position due to his tyrannical nature. However, because of the wealth he had acquired from the spoils which had been taken from the Romans, some people submitted to his authority anyway.

As we learned in part eight of this same series, in Book 5 Chapter 12 of his work "Histories", Roman historian Publius Cornelius Tacitus informed us that Simon held the outer and larger circuit of walls, John of Giscala occupied the middle of the city, and Eleazar controlled the temple. While John and Simon were strong in numbers and equipment, Eleazar held the best position due to its elevation. We also learned that there were constant skirmishes between these three factions, and that John sent some emissaries, who, under pretence of sacrificing, slaughtered Eleazar and his supporters. In this way, John gained possession of the temple. The city was thus divided between these two remaining and opposing factions, until the approach of the Romans forced them to reconcile with each other.

So as I said, as we enter Book 5 Chapter 1 of "The Wars of the Jews", Josephus again reminds us of the rather dreadful situation in Jerusalem, as these three factions continue to fight against each other. As we have seen, due to each of their numbers, and their particular elevation in the city, they each possessed certain advantages over the other two factions. Thus the sedition within the sedition went on and on. Just as Tacitus had noted in his "Histories" how one byproduct of these inter-factional battles was that much of the area surrounding the temple was destroyed, and much of the corn was burned, Josephus states the very same thing in Book 5 Chapter 1.

Furthermore, Josephus adds that it was a foolish development because not only would the great supply of corn have allowed the Jerusalemites to withstand a longer siege by the Romans, but it was because of the loss of that corn that Jerusalem eventually suffered a serious famine. Thus he wrote that it was like a wild beast consuming itself. Josephus again also reminds us of how the common people -- some who wanted to fight against the Romans, and others who desired peace with the same -- were caught in the middle of all of the violent infighting and misery. Yet despite the disagreements which existed between the various factions, as we learned earlier, one thing they all agreed upon was that if anyone showed a desire to make peace with the Romans, they had to be killed. Thus, in Book 5 Chapter 1, Josephus writes as follows:

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"Accordingly, it so came to pass, that all the places that were about the temple were burnt down, and were become an intermediate desert space; ready for fighting on both sides of it; and that almost all that corn was burnt, which would have been sufficient for a siege of many years. So they were taken by the means of the famine, which it was impossible they should have been, unless they had thus prepared the way for it by this procedure.

And now, as the city was engaged in a war on all sides, from these treacherous crowds of wicked men, the people of the city between them, were like a great body torn in pieces. The aged men and the women were in such distress by their internal calamities, that they wished for the Romans, and earnestly hoped for an external war, in order to their delivery from their domestical miseries. The citizens themselves were under a terrible consternation and fear; nor had they any opportunity of taking counsel, and of changing their conduct; nor were there any hopes of coming to an agreement with their enemies; nor could such as had a mind flee away; for guards were set at all places, and the heads of THE ROBBERS, although they were SEDITIOUS one against another in other respects, yet did they agree in killing those that were for peace with the Romans, or were suspected of an inclination to desert to them, as their common enemies. They agreed in nothing hut this, to kill those that were innocent."

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As the infighting continued, Josephus describes how there were dead bodies and blood everywhere. Furthermore, he says that nobody was spared from the crossfire which occurred between the various warring factions. Whether one was a Jew, or a priest who administered in the temple services, or a foreigner who came to offer sacrifices, all fell victim to the crossfire which even reached the sacrificial altar in the courtyard and the temple itself. Thus, Josephus writes as follows:

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". . . for he [meaning Eleazar] had such engines as threw darts, and javelins, and stones, and that in no small number, by which he did not only defend himself from such as fought against him, but slew moreover many of the priests, as they were about their sacred ministrations. For notwithstanding these men were mad with all sorts of impiety, yet did they still admit those that desired to offer their sacrifices, although they took care to search the people of their own country before-hand, and both suspected and watched them; while they were not so much afraid of strangers, who, although they had gotten leave of them, how cruel soever they were, to come into that court, were yet often destroyed by this sedition; for those darts that were thrown by the engines, came with that force that they went over all the buildings, and reached as far as the altar and the temple itself, and fell upon the priests, and those that were about the sacred offices; insomuch, that many persons who came thither with great zeal from the ends of the earth, to offer sacrifices at this celebrated place, which was esteemed holy by all mankind, fell down before their own sacrifices themselves, and sprinkled that altar which was venerable among all men, both Greeks and Barbarians, with their own blood; till the dead bodies of strangers were mingled together with those of their own country, and those of profane persons with those of the priests, and the blood of all sorts of dead carcases stood in lakes in the holy courts themselves."

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My friends, it was bad enough that the unbelieving Jews had killed their very own Savior and Messiah, but considering how they were also defiling and polluting the very temple itself with so much violence, bloodshed and other terrible abominations, is it any wonder that God was intent on their destruction? Josephus himself understood this, and as we learned earlier in this series, the peacemakers within the city understood it as well. They knew that their destruction was drawing nigh and could not be stopped by their weak and vain efforts to make peace with the Romans. The seditionists simply would not allow it.

As if enough wickedness had not already occurred, Josephus informs us that John of Giscala defiled the temple even more when he took the sacred construction materials and used them to build engines of war and defensive towers within the very temple courtyard in preparation for the onslaught by Titus. Thus, Josephus describes John's impiety in this manner:

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"Nay, John abused the sacred materials, and employed them in the construction of his engines of war; for the people and the priests had formerly determined to support the temple, and raise the holy house twenty cubits higher; for king Agrippa had, at a very great expense, and with very great pains, brought thither such materials as were proper for that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing, both for their straightness and their largeness: but the war coming on, and interrupting the work, John had them cut, and prepared for the building him towers, he finding them long enough to oppose them from those his adversaries that fought from the temple that was above him. He also had them brought and erected behind the inner court over against the west end of the cloister, where alone, he could erect them; whereas, the other side of that court had so many steps as would not let them come nigh enough the cloisters.

Thus did John hope to be too hard for his enemies by these engines constructed by his impiety; but God himself demonstrated that his pains would prove of no use to him, by bringing the Romans upon him, before he had reared any of his towers;"

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At this point in his narration, Josephus again switches his focus back to Titus, who has now left Caesarea, and organized the assault so that different legions and allies are in the process of approaching Jerusalem from different locations and from different directions. Thus, Josephus writes as follows:

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". . . for Titus, when he had gotten together part of his forces about him, and had ordered the rest to meet him at Jerusalem, marched out of Caesarea. He had with him those three legions that had accompanied his father, when he laid Judea waste, together with that twelfth legion which had been formerly beaten with Cestius; which legion, as it was otherwise remarkable for its valour, so did it march on now with great alacrity to avenge themselves on the Jews, as remembering what they had formerly suffered from them. Of these legions he ordered the fifth to meet him, by going through Emmaus, and the tenth to go up by Jericho; he also moved himself, together with the rest: besides which, marched those auxiliaries that came from the kings, being now more in number than before, together with a considerable number that came to his assistance from Syria. Those also that had been selected out of these four legions, and sent with Mucianus to Italy, had their places filled up out of these soldiers that came out of Egypt with Titus; which were two thousand men, chosen out of the armies at Alexandria. There followed him also three thousand drawn from those that guarded the river Euphrates; as also, there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of his, most valuable, both for his good-will to him, and for his prudence. He had formerly been governor of Alexandria, but was now thought worthy to be general of the army [under Titus]. The reason of this was, that he had been the first who had encouraged Vespasian very lately to accept this his new dominion, and joined himself to him with great fidelity, when things were uncertain, and fortune had not yet declared for him. He also followed Titus as a counsellor, very useful to him in this war, both by his age and skill in such affairs."

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Please go to part thirteen for the continuation of this series.

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